Sometimes in November of 2019, Daniel Penda Esq. and I were hosted on Radio Benue’s “You and the Law” programme, were we bared our thoughts on freedom of expression in Nigeria and the Hate Speech/Social Media bill. You can listen to the interview or discussion divided into 2 parts: part 1 and part 2
Below are some powerful quotes about freedom of
expression and hate speech laws:
"Those who occupy
sensitive posts must be prepared to face public criticisms in respect of their
offices so as to ensure that they are accountable to the electorate. They
should not be made to feel they live in an Ivory Tower and thereafter belong to
a different class. They must develop thick skin and where possible plug their
ears with cotton wool if they feel too sensitive or irascible. They are within
their constitutional right to sue for defamation but they should not use the
machinery of government to invoke criminal proceedings to gag their opponents,
for if it is otherwise, the freedom of speech guaranteed by our Constitution will
be meaningless”- Olatuwura
JCA in Arthur Nwankwo v. The
State
“Civil law exists to provide relief and restitution
when one person harms or threatens to harm another’s private interests. Criminal
law exists to
ensure retribution and
protection of the
public, by detaining offenders and
deterring others from
offending. For assault, imposing imprisonment
or supervision is essential to protect
the victims and the public at large. For damaging speech, however, the civil
law is as effective, if not more so, in providing the public with proportionate
protection from offenders. Crucially,
freedom of expression
is constitutionally enshrined
and encouraged, as
the lifeblood of democracy. The freedom to wield fists and
firearms enjoys no similar status in our supreme law. Thus the analogy between
assault and defamation
breaks down. It is an unreliable guide
to finding an appropriate balance between the rights to
dignity and free speech. It is also disputable that civil and criminal
defamation impose equivalent limitations, and that the harsher consequences of
criminal liability are neatly offset
by the heavier
burden of proof.
There are important differences in
practice and in principle.
First, a prosecution targets the journalist rather
than the journal. A civil suit is aimed primarily at the defendant with the
deepest pockets, Furthermore, while civil liability may be discharged within
days, through payment or some other performance, criminal liability endures long
after the sentence has been served, or even if the sentence has been suspended.
Criminal liability is permanent and pervasive. It brands the accused with a
mark so deep and indelible, it can be expunged only by presidential pardon. It stains
every sphere of that person’s life. He becomes a criminal, and must disclose
that every time he applies for a job, a visa or even a bank account.
Even if the state does not discharge its onerous burden of proof, the very existence of the crime creates the risk of wrongful accusation, investigation, prosecution and even conviction, with all the associated inconvenience and scandal. These ills can barely be corrected on appeal, and thus the crime could easily be used to cow courageous journalists. It is this brand of public disapproval that criminal law rightly casts on murderers, rapists and thieves, precisely for its deterrent potency. The same objective could not and should not apply to injurious speech, the borders of which are elusive and essentially subjective.”
Vinayak Bhardwaj and Ben Winks
“Prohibitions that censor offensive viewpoints or hate speech are often counter-productive to the aim of promoting equality, as they fail to address the underlying social roots of the kinds of prejudice that drive ‘hate speech’. In most instances, equality is better-promoted through positive measures which increase understanding and tolerance, rather than through censorship by way of anti-hate speech laws.”
Article 19
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